The proposed approach is shown to extend to adjectives – another category whose syntactic behavior is largely determined by the presence of phi-features. Next, I argue that the syntactic identity of nouns can be fully reduced to phi-features. A nominal phrase merged with an epsilon may combine with another nominal phrase when a bare nominal phrase may not.

Next, I suggest that the propagation of phi-features can be blocked by a formal feature – epsilon – that is borne on such morphemes as prepositions and linkers, as well as oblique case markers. This constraint results in the well-described generalization according to which Agreement is severely limited in the Nominal Domain and complements to nominals may not bear direct case-marking, unlike the complements of verbs and prepositions.

More specifically, I propose a condition according to which two syntactic nodes bearing visible phi-features cannot be directly merged.

In this thesis, I propose that the distribution of nominal phrases is constrained by the relative positions of phi-features that nominal phrases contain.

I done my homework yet